Posts Tagged ‘GE14


Bersih demands transparency on GE14 international observers

Bersih demands transparency on GE14 international observers

GE14 | Electoral reform coalition Bersih wants the Election Commission to be more transparent and provide more information about the international observers they have invited for the 14th general election.

“Transparency of the process is very important.

“It’s not enough for EC to say we’ve invited other countries and NGOs to observe, but don’t tell us how, or the conduct of the observations,” said Bersih outreach officer Chan Tsu Chong in a press conference at their office in Petaling Jaya today.

Bersih secretariat member Mandeep Singh also had a host of questions for the EC about the international observers.

“When are you (international observers) coming, what are the terms of reference?

“Why was Anfrel, a body that is a known independent NGO, not invited? Why was Carter Center and the Commonwealth secretariat not invited? These are bodies that are known internationally for making election observations.

“How many polling stations are they going to?” he asked.

Yesterday, EC chairperson Mohd Hashim Abdullah announced that they had invited 14 countries as international observers for GE14.

Seven countries had accepted the invitations – Indonesia, Thailand, Maldives, Timor Leste, Cambodia, Kyrgyzstan and Azerbaijan.

‘How much good will it do?’

Bersih acting chairperson Shahrul Aman Mohd Saari applauded the effort to invite international observers, but noted that it would have been better if they originated from more established democracies.

“It’s good. We have been pushing for international observers, but we hope more countries, more established democracies would come.

“If the countries’ own democracy can be questioned, then how much good will it do?” he said.

With the exception of Timor-Leste, The Economist’s Democracy Index 2017 and Freedom House’s Freedom in the World 2018 reports show that Malaysia fared better on their democracy scale than the six other countries invited to be international observers for GE14.

The Economist considered Cambodia and Azerbaijan to be authoritarian regimes, while the Freedom House referred to Kyrgyzstan and Azerbaijan as “consolidated authoritarian regimes.”

Observe the entire process

Mandeep also drew from his own experience as an international observer for elections in Nepal and Sri Lanka, saying that he spent close to a month observing the entire electoral process.

As such, he expressed his hope that the observers would be in Malaysia soon – given that the election is scheduled for less than a month from today – instead of waiting for the 11-day campaigning period.

Mandeep added that international observers are commonly allowed to meet local observers.

“When we observe international elections, we are allowed to meet local groups to get reports from local groups.

“Bersih is ready at any time to share all our reports and finding with all these (international observer) groups.

“Whether they will be allowed to meet us, that’s another question,” he said.

Chan also stressed the importance of the final report that these international observers are supposed to produce.

“The report of the election observers are very important, because the whole purpose is we want people to know at the end of the observation missions, what are your findings and recommendations,” he added.

The EC did not provide a full list of the invited observers nor their exact mandate.

Normally, electoral management bodies (EMB) from the European Union, Carter Center or Anfrel would provide a full list of election observers and their backgrounds for transparency.

These EMBs would monitor the elections unhindered, prior to nomination day, up until after voting day, and make their observations and recommendations public.

The EC said that international and local observers will have access to nomination centres, early polling centres, polling centres, counting centres, as well as the process of tallying the ballots at the official tallying centres.

There are no details on restrictions imposed.

Bersih demands transparency on GE14 international observers
11 April 2018 – malaysiakini


Statement on GE14 — G25

Statement on GE14 — G25

APRIL 15 — G25 calls on all eligible voters to come out in full force on Wednesday, May 9, 2018, to exercise their democratic duty of voting for the candidates contesting to be elected to parliament and state legislative assemblies.

Although voting is not compulsory in Malaysia, it is a responsibility which all eligible voters should carry out for the sake of our future as a free, democratic country, with a government that is elected by the people and for the people.

The government has declared Election Day as a public holiday. However, voters who live far away from their constituencies may need more than Election Day off work if travel time to their districts and their mode of transportation is taken into consideration. We appeal to all employers to be lenient in granting leave for those living far, and to provide any reasonable assistance they may need to enable employees to travel to their voting districts.

The Elections Commission will be responsible for ensuring the elections are free and fair to reflect the true choice of the people of the government that they want for their country. GE14 will be closely watched by the world, especially with the unfavourable reports in foreign media about the country’s financial scandals. The Commission must be strictly professional so that the results will be accepted by the people and recognised internationally as valid. This will help to restore confidence in the future of the country as a stable and mature democracy, with good prospects for sustainable growth.

We, the people, hope and pray that the elections will be free of undesirable incidents so that after the elections are over, the country can put aside the divisive politics to concentrate on building a better future for all Malaysians, with all races living in harmony as a truly united nation. In particular, whichever party comes into power, we expect it to carry out the pledges in its campaign manifesto to introduce the various reforms for good governance and rule of law, accompanied by specific measures to strengthen human rights and eliminate all forms of discrimination.

We wish all political parties a healthy competition in reaching out to the electorate without exploiting the issues of race and religion. Today’s generation of Malaysians have more respect for politicians that win the seats using clean politics than those who use money to bribe voters. We G25 call upon the MACC and the police to ensure that all candidates obey the law in their election campaigns.

Statement on GE14 — G25
April 15, 2018 – MMO


Fear of Malay tsunami – Najib’s action written all over it

Fear of Malay tsunami – Najib’s action written all over it

COMMENT | Deliberately choosing a weekday for polling is another backhanded admission by caretaker prime minister Najib Abdul Razak that he strongly believes in a ‘Malay tsunami’, which could be a ‘Malaysian tsunami’ if turnout among non-Malays remains high.

I recently predicted that Najib would go for a weekday polling day after he deregistered Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s party Bersatu through the Registrar of Societies. It is a telling sign of a desperate man, and his second desperate act yesterday again reveals his fear.

For nearly two years, regardless of their political leaning, analysts have been predicting a BN victory, mostly due to three factors: redelineation, PAS as spoiler, and low turnout.

Compared to 2013, the opposition has only one advantage: Mahathir, who never lost any single political battle after 1969. Mahathir leading Pakatan Harapan has fuelled speculation that a Malay tsunami will occur, but there hasn’t been any conclusive evidence of this.

Some would even flatly dismiss such a possibility, predicting that Harapan will come in third in terms of Malay support, after Umno and PAS, believing that Malay politics remains stuck in an Umno-PAS dichotomy.

Swing and turnout

Ultimately, how different the outcome of the election will be from the last depends on two factors: swing and turnout.

Think of all eligible voters as two groups. There are those who cast a valid vote in the last election, and therefore with a voting pattern that can be collectively recognised. Let’s call them ‘old voters’.

Then there are the ‘new voters’, who didn’t vote in the last round – due to not being registered, choosing not to vote, or casting a spoilt vote, intentionally or not – and therefore with a voting pattern that cannot be collectively recognised.

Using the last election as the baseline, we can predict the election outcome by guessing what would happen to these two groups of voters: how many old voters will change their voting pattern, and what is the net outcome? How many new voters will vote, and which parties will benefit from their support?

Of course, some old voters may change their voting pattern by not voting this time, hence affecting turnout rather than producing a swing.

In 2013, 11.05 million cast valid votes for the parties, where will their hearts go this time? Now, 14.85 million are registered. Which parties will get the bulk of 3.7 million new voters?

If turnout rate is high, gerrymandering calculation is thrown out of the window by uncertainty.

What is a ‘Malay tsunami’?

PAS playing spoiler and the Malay tsunami are both generally about swing. How many Malay (old) voters would ditch Najib, Umno and BN? Would these voters go Harapan’s or PAS’ way?

But Malay tsunami can also refer to turnout. Will Malay (new) voters turn up in droves and vote against Najib, Umno and BN?

By definition, a Malay tsunami means a substantial Malay swing and a strong leaning among new voters towards Harapan (or PAS) that dislodges Umno. This does not cover fragmented Malay votes that produce Umno as a minority winner.

When Najib repeatedly claimed there is no Malay tsunami, he was saying that, with PAS playing spoiler, there is no Malay swing or a new voters tide towards Harapan.

With the bulldozed delineation that increases the number of Malay-dominated constituencies and the percentage of Malay voters in many mixed constituencies, this means a high turnout of non-Malays alone can only save Harapan’s one-third parliamentary strength.

However, it can never be enough to oust Umno.

Najib’s supposed big gains

Given the redelineation outcome and unpredictability of this Malay tsunami, one can safely predict that Harapan has no chance at all of winning power without at least an 85 percent turnout.

A low turnout of 70 percent will be enough to allow BN to regain its two-thirds majority, even if its vote share drops to 40 percent.

So, Najib should be very confident since he believes that no Malay tsunami will occur.

If the non-Malay turnout can be suppressed by encouraging resentment against Harapan (as “the other rotten apple”), Najib is set to score an immense victory, starting with a two-thirds majority in the parliament.

Najib would then be able to quickly pronounce Mahathir’s political death if Harapan cannot retain its one-third, and push Bersatu and Amanah towards oblivion. He would have done what Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah and Anwar Ibrahim both failed to do.

His ally PAS would have proven its own indispensability to any opposition coalition, even if it loses every parliamentary seat it contests.

In the eyes of hardline Islamists, PAS’ electoral disaster would be the necessary sacrifice to uphold Islam and Abdul Hadi Awang, its most steadfast champion – after all, as the saying goes, “kejar dunia, akhirat lari; kejar akhirat, dunia akan mengikuti.” (Chase the worldly, and lose sight of the afterlife; chase the afterlife, and the worldly will follow).

Harapan would soon be pointing fingers at one another over PAS’ exit. Next, pressure would be mounted on PKR, Bersatu and Amanah to be more pro-Malay and more supportive of PAS’ agenda. DAP might even have to leave the opposition coalition to fend for its non-Muslim and secular base.

With an opposition completely in disarray and PAS setting the agenda, Najib would be safe, as no foreign powers would have the appetite to pursue 1MDB at all costs. And if there is an economic uptick, Najib may even slowly regain his popularity as the opposition and civil society lose their vigour.

Why is Najib so desperate?

Najib should be confidently smiling at his unstoppable victory, but why is he so desperate to deregister Bersatu?

It is in Umno’s playbook to buy votes and rig constituency boundaries, but Mahathir never did deregister Tengku Razaleigh’s Semangat 46 or Anwar’s PKR on the eve of an election. Mahathir beat his enemies in the battlefield instead of denying them their party label, because a straightforward victory would give him more legitimacy.

Malay politics places a high value on machismo, admiring warriors and detesting cowards. And what can be a greater act of cowardice than taking away one’s enemy’s party logo?

So, why is Najib so desperate, that he who boasts a warrior’s lineage would risk being chastened as a coward?

Why would Najib give Harapan a convenient explanation that their defeat is due to foul play rather than to the opposition’s disunity or the people’s apathy?

What more viable explanation can there be than Najib strongly believing that a Malay tsunami will occur? His acts have betrayed his claim.

I was doubtful of a Malay tsunami myself. Now I believe in it, because Najib does.

Compared to pollsters’ sample sizes of 1,000 or 2,000 random respondents, Najib has thousands of intelligence agents from the police, military, bureaucracy and party. Between pollsters and Najib, I believe in Najib.

Bersatu’s deregistration was followed by the Johor crown prince’s “non-partisan advice,” with strong responses from ordinary Johoreans.

Fear of Malay tsunami – Najib’s action written all over it
11 April 2018 – malaysiakini


Why GE14 is the mother of all elections

Why GE14 is the mother of all elections

COMMENT | This is the best time to be alive.

The caretaker prime minister has said it a couple of times: The 14th general election (GE14) will be the mother of all elections.

But what makes an election historic? It must have an earth-shattering consequence, it must carry strong symbolism, and it must usher in a larger meaning for its people.

These three indices make GE14 the mother of all elections.

1. End of the longest-ruling coalition in the democratic world

The most earth-shattering consequence of GE14 is that it could potentially spell the end of the longest-ruling coalition in the democratic world. BN (and its early form, the Alliance Party) and Umno have been in power for 60 years since the independence of Malaya. No opposition has since mounted a successful challenge against the steely clutch of BN.

But the waves are churning. GE14 will be the first election where we have a substantively competitive opposition coalition against BN. Opposition coalitions in the past of Gagasan Rakyat, Barisan Alternatif, and Pakatan Rakyat were merely ad-hoc electoral halfway-houses designed to ensure convenient straight fights with BN. They were not ideologically aligned, nor were they organised in the same formation.

Harapan today has a comprehensive manifesto in “Buku Harapan”, a prime-minister designate in Dr Mahathir Mohamad, a common logo in PKR’s eye, and an equitable power-sharing model in a leadership structure. If they had their way, Harapan would even have had their coalition and logo registered.

GE14 will be the first election where the opposition has the highest chance of winning. 2008 unleashed an urban swing towards the opposition, and 2013 greeted us with an unprecedented popular vote victory for the opposition. Think-tank Invoke’s data points show that the Malay votes in favour of Umno had declined drastically to only 28.5 percent as of February. All these points towards an unprecedented proximity the opposition stands to Putrajaya.

Apart from that, GE14 will also witness the stiffest competition between campaigning machinery. BN still has the usual monopoly of the media, finances, and governmental arms to enable effective campaigning. But the opposition is catching up. The establishment of Invoke, in targeting 103 marginal seats across Peninsular Malaysia with close to 25,000 volunteers, has diluted BN’s conventional monopoly. Vibrant online campaigning by the opposition has also given them a voice they would otherwise be deprived of in the mainstream media.

Given the vast inflow of information online provided by political candidates and the extensive coverage by journalists on the ground, voters in GE14 are likely to be the most well-informed in the history of the country.

Therefore, GE14 is the mother of all elections because this is the closest the country has ever been to the earth-shattering outcome of ending the longest-ruling coalition in the democratic world. This is historic by every measure.

2. Symbolic force

The second ingredient for a historic election is its symbolism.

Chief among all is the “eye” that would represent the opposition. After Anwar Ibrahim was sacked as deputy prime minister in 1998, he was charged with numerous offences and was even punched and slapped in captivity. When he faced the public with a black eye, his raised arm of solidarity gave birth to a new movement. An emotional tug connected the conscience of many, and the eye of blue and red became PKR’s flag that symbolises justice and “Reformasi”.

The man PKR was blaming then was Mahathir. Now Mahathir leads the opposition coalition as its chairperson. He apologised and sought the opposition’s trust; and in a grand gesture, he stands behind PKR’s flag. Those who didn’t see the injustices Anwar suffered then must now see it through his eye.

DAP also lowered its rocket in favour of the common PKR logo. This is the first time DAP will be contesting without its rocket that has found a resting place in the minds of many Chinese supporters. The rocket accompanied DAP in their toughest times when they were left with only 10 seats in 1999, and helped launch them to cloud nine in their triumphant 2013 performance. Now the rocket has to rest as we clear the Malaysian sky so it can fly again.

GE14 is also the election that may see an unprecedented shift in power at a federal and state level.

At the federal level, GE14 could spell the end of MCA and MIC – two prominent single-race parties that have been in government since 1957. As most people anticipate GE14 to be a battle for Malay votes, the demise of MCA and MIC are treated as foregone conclusions. Related to this is also Invoke’s prediction that PAS will be left without a seat in the august house. This could mean the political history of a religious-based party could be shortened significantly.

At the state level, the hottest contest will be in Johor. Current Johor caretaker menteri besar Mohamed Khaled Nordin has warned that Umno is not allowed to lose the state where it was born, or it could spell the end of the party.

Bersatu, with Mahathir and Muhyiddin Yassin’s influence, has spread widely in Johor since their departure from Umno; DAP has put their top generals to the battleground state: Liew Chin Tong, Yeo Bee Yin, Teo Nie Ching, Lim Kit Siang; while PKR and Amanah are wrestling semi-urban marginal seats.

If Invoke’s prediction is to materialise (Harapan taking the state with a six-seat majority), it could inflict a permanent psychological wound to the party of Onn Jaafar and its glorious past.

GE14 will also mark a point of unity between the Reformasi generation and tsunami generation. Youths between the ages of 21 and 35 today had lived through the 2008 and 2013 political tsunamis that had symbolised a yearning for democratic accountability and idealism. The potential for collective change is the only reality the tsunami generation knows.

GE14 will be a decade since the birth of the tsunami generation, and almost 20 years since for the Reformasi generation. The meeting point between these two generations is the hope for a fair, just, and equitable society that is free from corruption and abuse of power. GE14 will see the coming of age of tsunami generation, marching hand-in-hand with the wisdom of the Reformasi generation.

3. The democracy experiment

GE14 will also have a larger meaning for Malaysia’s democracy.

The election will act as a referendum on the democracy experiment: Can this old machine of the 1957 model called “democracy” still work in 2018? Can it still represent the will of the majority in choosing the government it desires?

Granted, numerous research initiatives like the Economist Intelligence Unit and Electoral Integrity Project have classified Malaysia’s electoral system as deeply flawed, with violations against democratic norms in areas of human rights, press freedom, and political participation. But if an overwhelming majority can still produce a change in government, it could mean that there are still vestiges of democracy left in our machine.

But more important than that, how able is our democratic machine in putting people out of power? The greatest strength of democracy is not in its ability to put people into power, but its ability to put people out of power. The constitutional nature of our democracy does its heavy lifting in limiting the power of those on top.

What The Economist says is true, that if Malaysia is a democracy with a “reasonable electoral system”, then the misappropriation of billions of ringgit linked to the top leadership should mean that “the coalition running Malaysia would not be in office in the first place.”

Other prominent international media houses like the New York Times, The Guardian, Wall Street Journal, and South China Morning Post have been similarly attentive to Malaysia’s developments like never before. GE14 will undoubtedly be the election with the most international spectators, eager to see if this democratic experiment of Malaysia has failed.

GE14 is the mother of all elections because it could put Malaysia either on the road to recovery, turning it into the star of the region like the roaring 90s, or see us rupture under a democratic machine that has broken down. If Malaysia achieves the once-impossible dream in GE14, its place in the history books of the world will forever be unquestioned.

This is the page in the history books that you don’t want to skip over. This is what people will think of when they mention Malaysia. This is History with a capital H.

This is the best time to be alive.

Why GE14 is the mother of all elections
11 April 2018 – malaysiakini


Manipulative tactics used by Najib to win upcoming general election a strong reminder of Soeharto’s tricks


For Indonesians, the manipulative tactics being used by Malaysian leader Najib Razak to win the upcoming general election is a strong reminder of former president Soeharto’s tricks during his 32-year rule. Unfortunately PM Razak is not alone among the 10-member ASEAN leaders in adopting this strategy.

Since 1999, Indonesia has had four democratic presidential elections, three of which were direct ones. Next year, legislative and presidential elections will be held simultaneously. As the largest ASEAN member, Indonesia has a constitutional obligation to persuasively share its experience of democratization with its neighbors.

As many have observed, we continue to stumble and remain vulnerable to risks of stepping back rather than forward; and we urge fellow citizens of ASEAN to remain wary of allowing leaders to rise without effective control.

Developments in Malaysia are indeed worrying. Its leaders know very well how to benefit from divisions in society, where Malays and Muslims are treated as first-class citizens according to its Constitution.

Oppress the opposition, manipulate the fears of the majority Malays against economically powerful minorities, rewrite the election rules, control the mainstream and social media. PM Razak has used and will continue to use such primitive tactics to win the next election. The “1Malaysia Development Berhad” corruption case that allegedly involved him and people around him, which he has repeatedly denied, has been effectively swept under the carpet.

Like Soeharto, PM Razak has effectively killed even the smallest chance for the opposition to participate in the upcoming parliamentary election. The government has blocked former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad’s party, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) from running against the ruling Barisan National (BN) coalition in the election.

Tragically, the 92-year old Mahathir, who ruled Malaysia from 1981 until 2003, is the opposition’s only available alternative. Razak learned from Mahathir how to treat minorities and opposition.

In Cambodia, Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has been in office since 1985, has also mercilessly cracked down on political rivals and has openly declared his intention to stay in power for life. Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won a sweeping victory in February’s election.

Thailand’s situation is even worse, where the military continues to refuse to transfer power to civilians. Junta leader Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha, who toppled the democratically elected government of prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra in May 2014, later appointed himself as Thai prime minister. The military had previously forced her brother Thaksin Shinawatra to resign in 2006. The military has staged no fewer than 12 coups since 1932.

For how long will Thais allow themselves be ruled by a dictatorship?

Our message is very clear: Despite shared temptations to let strong leaders rule instead of work on the nuts and bolts of noisy democracy, ASEAN must be an example to the world where people hold supreme sovereignty in their respective nations.

April 10, 2018 – The Jakarta Post


Multibillion dollar 1MDB heist

Multibillion dollar 1MDB heist: THE DOJ LAWSUIT REVISITED

The seizure of The Equanimity luxury yacht in Bali, Indonesia, in late February this year, has once again brought the civil forfeiture suits by the US Department of Justice (DOJ) into the spotlight.

The DOJ had filed a series of the forfeiture suits in 2016 and 2017, seeking to seize assets worth nearly US$1.7 billion allegedly acquired using money siphoned off from the Malaysian fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB).

According to the DOJ, 1MDB officials and their associates had embezzled US$4.5 billion between 2009 and 2014, which was allegedly laundered through the global financial systems including the US. It is the most extensive action brought under its Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative. The department said that the money was used for personal gain.

They include purchasing luxury properties, artworks, a private jet, jewellery, funding movie production company which produced movies like “The Wolf of Wall Street”. The Equanimity, which is said to belong to Malaysian businessperson Jho Low, was one of the assets on the list.

Jho Low, whose full name is Low Taek Jho, was portrayed as the mastermind of the money laundering scheme in the DOJ lawsuit. Several other persons were named in the lawsuits, including Jho Low’s friend Riza Aziz, who is also the stepson of Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak, several 1MDB officers, and an unnamed “Malaysian Official 1”, who was said to be Najib himself.

Several celebrities, including Hollywood actor Leonardo Dicaprio and model Miranda Kerr were dragged into the matter.

The lawsuits had categorised the money-laundering processes over the five-year period into four phases, namely the “Good Star phase”, “Aabar BVI phase”, “Tanore phase” and “Options Buyback phase”.

The lawsuits consist several hundred pages long and provide a blow-by-blow account of the complex series of transaction. This article will break down the complexities of the suits and walk readers through the money trail.

Multibillion dollar 1MDB heist:
31 March 2018 – malaysiakini


Redelineation may be Najib’s fatal mistake

Najib’s fatal mistake

LETTER | Election Commission chairperson Mohd Hashim Abdullah in a recent interview claimed that he had delineated each constituency along racial lines.

This was done presumably to group all Malay voters who had supported BN in the polling station in 2013 together with the rest of the Malays in the constituency.

Since this group from the polling station in 2013 had supported BN. the assumption was that they would continue to support BN in the 2018 polls. This assumption is flawed for three important reasons.

Firstly, the voters who had supported BN in 2013 may not continue to support BN in 2018 for the simple reason that the parameters have changed.

In 2013, the 1MDB scandal had not exploded and many did not know the extent of its losses. With Singapore, Switzerland and the US taking measures to seize assets from the 1MDB scandal, the foreign media has exposed with clarity the manner in which nearly US$4.5 billion in funds from the 1MDB was syphoned out from the sovereign fund.

The 1MDB scandal was followed by a host of other scandals from the purchase of Mara buildings in Australia, the Felda land sale and transfer of its land and the sale and transfer of the Sg Besi land all adversely affected the BN’s image of good governance.

To add more grief to BN’s badly-dented image, the introduction of the GST caused hardship to the average citizen and this issue especially was absent during the 2013 general election.

Secondly, grouping all Malay voters in one constituency may be a good idea if the majority of the Malays there support you. But this cannot be true in the present scenario.

Presently, the Malay voters are divided into five groups – Umno, PAS, Amanah, PKR and Bersatu. It would be wrong for Umno to assume that it has a strong monopoly of Malay support when there are five groups with their own support groups.

Amongst the five groups, Umno may have a numerical advantage but the question that begs to be answered is whether it can outnumber the combined Malay votes of PKR, Amanah and Bersatu?

Statistically, Harapan would have a numerical advantage in view of their numbers as opposed to BN’s standalone.

Thirdly, Dr Mahathir Mohamad was not a force to be reckoned by BN in 2013. Most will agree that the ex-PM still commands a sizeable rural Malay following and his presence could result in a rural Malay “tsunami”.

If Najib Abdul Razak thinks he stands to benefit from the redelineation based on racial distribution, he will be sadly mistaken.

The change in parameters will cause a massive shift in rural support away from the previous 2013 election results. That will be a fatal result for Najib.

Najib’s fatal mistake
2 April 2018 – malaysiakini

What happened to 1MDB’s money? – CNBC Video
Nuclear lessons for Malaysia (Part 1) (Part 2)
BN govt is directing attention to distant past and distant future, in order to distract people from present misdeeds and poor governance
Felda - A picture is worth a thousand words
How the 1MDB Scandal Spread Across the World (WSJ)
We cannot afford ridiculously expensive RM55 Billion ECRL!
All that is necessary
for the triumph of evil
is for good men
to do nothing.

- Edmund Burke
When the people
fears their government,
there is TYRANNY;
when the government
fears the people,
there is LIBERTY.

- Thomas Jefferson
Do you hear the people sing?