Posts Tagged ‘GE14


The disintegration of BN

The disintegration of BN – from 13 parties to four

The once-exalted Barisan Nasional (BN) entered the 14th general election with 13 parties but in just a month since its disastrous defeat on May 9, the coalition has disintegrated and is left with only four parties with another in dispute.

Founded in 1973, BN was an initiative by the second prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein to bring both ruling and opposition parties together following a painful period for the country – the 1969 riots.

However, BN has today unravelled at the hands of his son and sixth prime minister Najib Abdul Razak who insisted on leading the coalition despite being plagued by the 1MDB scandal, a multi-billion dollar corruption behemoth described as “kleptocracy at its worst”.

On May 9 this year, BN – successor to the Alliance – lost power for the first time in 61 years since independence in 1957.

This article provides a timeline of the disintegration of the BN and how its former partners are re-aligning. It also looks at the remaining parties within BN.

Sabah BN

Going into the 14th general election, Sabah BN comprised Umno and state-based parties PBS, PBRS, Upko and LDP.

Immediately after BN’s defeat at both the state and federal level in Sabah, Upko was the first to announce its exit from BN.

The party then joined forces with the opposition Pakatan Harapan and Warisan, giving them the needed majority to form the new Sabah state government.

This was followed by LDP, PBS and PBRS’ exiting from Sabah BN, effectively leaving Umno as the only major component of the coalition in Sabah.

A large group of Sabah Umno state assemblypersons also quit the party to join PBS in a bid to develop a more “local image”.

PBS, meanwhile, allied itself with Star, another opposition party, to form Gagasan Bersatu.

All this took place within the first week of BN’s defeat.

What is left of Sabah BN is a weakened Umno and a few peninsular-based parties.

MCA and Gerakan have a presence in Sabah but they were never considered as core members of Sabah BN.

Sarawak BN

In contrast to Sabah, Sarawak BN had an orderly exit from the coalition with all of its state components remaining intact.

Under the leadership of Sarawak chief minister Abang Johari Openg, PBB, SUPP, PRS and PDP announced their exit from the coalition today.

The four parties announced that they will now form a state-based coalition named Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS).

Johari said the coalition will work with the Pakatan Harapan federal government but will form its own bloc and remain on the opposition side in Parliament.

BN in Peninsular Malaysia

The only parties left in BN are Umno, MCA, MIC and Gerakan.

A power struggle ensued in MyPPP with its president M Kayveas announcing on May 19 that the party was exiting BN.

However, his other supreme council members disputed this, leaving MyPPP’s true status with BN in limbo.

While MCA, MIC and Gerakan remain in BN, for the time being, they have indicated that they will review their position in the coalition as part of a post-general election reform.

Umno – the anchor of BN – now has few friends to count among its ranks, and may need to look for new allies.

The disintegration of BN – from 13 parties to four
12 June 2018 – malaysiakini


Rafidah: Najib’s government riddled with ‘political mafia’

Rafidah: Najib’s government riddled with ‘political mafia’

KUALA LUMPUR, June 10 — Former international trade and industries (MITI) minister Tan Sri Rafidah Aziz claimed that one of the reasons behind former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s downfall was the appointment of those she termed as “political mafia”.

Speaking to Malay Mail recently, Rafidah claimed these individuals appointed by Najib had not only intimidated many civil servants into doing their bidding, but also dictated terms to many privately held or public-listed companies.

“They were ‘political mafia’. These people felt they were so powerful because they reported directly to the prime minister. So, at their level, where they were in charge of agencies or as gatekeepers, they could actually dictate terms to companies.

“So, there was that sense of power at all levels.

“They were appointed by the prime minister, whether it was a political appointment or not I don’t know. There were people who had direct access to the prime minister and could tell him whatever they wanted,” said Rafidah.

She elaborated since these individuals happened to be the heads of agencies or gatekeepers to the Prime Minister’s Office, it created a culture of “aberration” that she had never witnessed before in her political career.

The culture she observed was one of pandering to the ego of the gatekeepers and agency heads, while allowing them to do as they wish, including acts of corruption, without questioning for fear of repercussions.

Although she admitted that such “aberrations” occurred in the past, it was never perceived to be the norm or the culture by the world at large, unlike in the last 10 to 12 years.

“The Chinese say rotten fish starts at the head. In this case, it was from the head from everywhere. It’s crazy. It was nothing I had ever seen before. We never had so many agencies and structures working outside the government.

“With Najib, everything was centralised to Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). People don’t realise that you don’t report to some of the relevant ministries anymore but straight to PMO. And in PMO, they had these gatekeepers. People who were then given the task to supervise each agency.

“So, when you have these chains of vicarious authority, what can you expect? People begin to know who to favour and who to be subservient to. It is loyalty, not to the government, but individuals who would report you to the Big Boss,” she explained, referring to Najib.

However, she did not put much blame on the civil service, the nation’s security forces nor the judiciary for demurring to the “political mafia” since their livelihoods were on the line.

Rafidah observed that many civil servants did not like the directive given by these “political mafia” but could not afford to risk their livelihoods or have their pensions affected by threats and intimidation.

“So they just toed the line, not that they liked to do it. By virtue of the powers that be, they felt forced to do it because they are part of the system. If they don’t do it, they will be identified,” she said, referring to civil servants.

Rafidah: Najib’s government riddled with ‘political mafia’
By Azril Annuar
10 June 2018 – MMO


U.S. probe of Malaysia’s 1MDB picks up speed after Najib’s election loss – Reuters

U.S. probe of Malaysia’s 1MDB picks up speed after Najib’s election loss

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – U.S. investigators have accelerated their probe into the 1MDB sovereign wealth fund set up by former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak and are exchanging more evidence with Malaysian authorities since Najib lost last month’s election, three sources with direct knowledge of the probe said.

At least six countries, including Malaysia, the United States and Switzerland, are investigating accusations that Najib and associates pocketed part of $4.5 billion allegedly stolen from the state-run investment fund, 1Malaysia Development Berhad.

The probe received a boost after Najib unexpectedly lost the election on May 9.

Najib has consistently denied wrongdoing in connection with alleged graft involving 1MDB.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation is confident that Malaysia’s new government is more willing to cooperate, whereas U.S. authorities saw Najib’s as actively obstructing the investigation, according to two people with direct knowledge of the investigation.

While U.S. prosecutors have considered the possibility of charging Najib or his associates, they would prefer Malaysia be the one to file criminal charges against any Malaysian official.

“That’s how its supposed to work,” a U.S. law enforcement official said.

Najib has retained former U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft and the firm of New York trial lawyer David Boies to represent him in connection with the U.S. investigations, a source familiar with Najib’s legal team said.

In a series of asset seizures last year, U.S. prosecutors alleged in court papers that some of the money stolen from 1MDB was placed into the account of an individual identified as “Malaysian Official 1.”

Since Najib’s election defeat, Malaysia’s new government has been scrambling to recover billions of dollars allegedly siphoned from 1MDB.

It is considering asking the U.S. government to get investment bank Goldman Sachs to return nearly $600 million in fees it earned from bonds raised for the sovereign wealth fund, two sources familiar with the matter told Reuters on Friday. [nL3N1TA47L]

No formal request has yet been made but top officials are actively discussing the plan within the government, they said.

Najib’s successor, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, said Malaysia was also seeking to arrest financier Low Taek Jho, a central figure in the scandal who advised on investments and negotiated deals for 1MDB.

U.S. probe of Malaysia’s 1MDB picks up speed after Najib’s election loss
Mark Hosenball, Joel Schectman
June 9, 2018 – Reuters


What if Pakatan had not won?

What if Pakatan had not won? — Dharm Navaratnam

MAY 20 — It has been just over 10 days since GE14 and I woke up this morning with a strange thought.

For starters, I would imagine there would have been trumpeting and beating of drums together with loud cries of how great Barisan Nasional is. Hidup Umno! Hidup PM! Kita Sayang Najib!

Then there would have been snide comments and jokes in bad taste about a 93-year old man’s failure to wrest power.

These jokes and comments would border on being vile and sarcastic and most everyone in BN would be taking the opportunity to laugh at and condemn the nonagenarian.

There would have been no shakeups in the Civil Service and Irwan Serigar would still be holding on to the purse strings at the Treasury in his capacity as Secretary General of the Treasury.

This is the Rakyat purse string in case you didn’t know.

The Attorney General would not have been asked to go on leave. The Director General of The Registrar of Societies Malaysia would feel vindicated that the application for Pakatan Harapan was not allowed as was the decision to suspend Bersatu and she would probably be waiting for an award at the next opportunity.

This however, begets another question. Was the subsequent approval of Pakatan Harapan and Bersatu done to appease the new government or was it to correct a previous wrong. This should be made known immediately and the appropriate action taken accordingly.

Khairy Jamaluddin would have been lauding it up with the other BN leaders and gloating that his video with Najib had the desired effect. He would definitely not be questioning Najib or regretting his actions in not speaking up.

Speaking of videos, Tony Fernandes would be laughing, as would many other captains of industry that formed a band and sang a song that was somewhat akin to the BN Tagline, Hebatkan Negaraku. You can view it here if you haven’t seen it. In my opinion, captains of industry should be neutral in their political affiliation, at least in public.

Umno, MCA and MIC would be going on about how Malaysians still want race-based politics and that this is the only way forward.

It is the proven way after 61 years and it will be the way for the next 100 years. Instead, these parties are now suggesting opening up their membership to all Malaysians, a clear affirmation that race based politics don’t work.

Most importantly, there would be no investigations carried out into our former prime minister.

Datuk Amar Singh would not be the household name he now is and we would never have known of the 284 luxury handbags and 72 luggage bags of cash and jewellery that were reportedly found.

No. If BN had won, life would have just gone on.

The alleged thievery and excesses would have just gone on.

You know what the sad part about this really is? No one in positions of power dared to speak up.

No one wanted to do what was right.

All of those in positions of power, every hierarchy and every echelon in Barisan Nasional, Umno, MCA, MIC and all other component parties of BN chose to remain silent.

Yes. They chose to be silent to protect themselves. This is the most worrying part. By keeping silent, I dare to say that they are complicit.

Could we perhaps venture to think that perhaps no one knew? I seriously doubt it. I would also allude to the fact that KJ now says that he regrets protecting Najib signifies that he knew something was wrong.

And if he knew, it is highly probable and even more so likely that other politicians knew. They just accepted it either because they were probably reaping the benefits or they were just too afraid to say anything.

After all, when Muhyiddin and Shafie Apdal tried to say something, they were sacked. So was the former AG, Gani Patail.

I remember having a chat with a deputy minister before the elections. It was a brief chat but we touched on 1MDB and other issues. This said minister defended the establishment and basically said that that was the way things are.

I asked the question about why no one wanted to speak up and his answer was that the party always comes first. It was more important to toe the party line.

It is a matter of survival within the party and as such many things are overlooked.

That was disturbing to me. It was also very disturbing to me that he was ultra confident that he would win his seat and that the status quo would remain.

I suppose once you start to overlook things, the things you allow yourself to overlook just get bigger and bigger and it no longer matters about serving the Rakyat but rather serving yourself.

As it turned out though, the Rakyat decided otherwise and it is only because there was a change in Government that we are seeing what we are seeing today. A clean up of corruption and excesses that was left to go unchecked. It was left to go unchecked by our elected representatives that were supposed to look after the Rakyat first.

More and more worms seem to be crawling out of the woodwork which each passing day. As the rot becomes more apparent, and the stench starts to permeate the air there is one glaring observation.

There is stark silence from the BN related leadership and parties. They are still choosing to remain largely silent even in the face of such glaring evidence of all the seized goods. All 284 handbags, cash and jewellery. Where before there was chest thumping and other bravado, there is a subdued silence. No one seems to be saying anything about the Five Black Maria lorries that were needed to cart away all the seized goods.

So it’s a good thing that BN didn’t win the last elections. Life would just have gone on for us, the Rakyat. No one would have said anything and No one would have been any the wiser.

What if Pakatan had not won? — Dharm Navaratnam
20 May 2018 –MMO


After the upset: What Mahathir’s return means for Malaysia

After the upset: What Mahathir’s return means for Malaysia

Young voters have high hopes, but can the 92-year-old prime minister deliver change?

KUALA LUMPUR — The people of Malaysia may have just elected the world’s oldest prime minister, but Mahathir Mohamad’s path to victory was cleared by fresh-faced politicians like 25-year-old Syed Saddiq Abdul Rahman.

Saddiq, who passed up a post-graduate scholarship to the University of Oxford last year to enter politics, beat a three-term ruling party parliamentarian in the rural seat of Muar in Johor state on his first try running for office.

“The election has proven the people’s power to change and lead Malaysia to a better future,” he said shortly after his victory.

The “Malaysian tsunami,” as some have dubbed the May 9 election, was a resounding rejection of the status quo.
Young voters turned out in force, helping the 92-year-old Mahathir Mohamad return to the prime minister’s office. (Photo by Takaki Kashiwabara)

Voters turned out in droves to deliver a shock to the pollsters, investors and political analysts who expected Najib Razak, the scandal-plagued prime minister, to return to office for a second term. Instead, the victory by the 92-year-old Mahathir marked the first time an opposition party had won since Malaysia gained independence from Britain in 1957.

The message from voters was clear: Stop the rot associated with decades of poor governance, corruption and divisive politics. Saddiq and other young candidates had also emphasized pocketbook issues, including unemployment and the high cost of living. These were winning themes with the young: Voters aged 40 and under accounted for 41% of the total.

Both young and old who voted for change are hoping Mahathir’s rich experience in politics can restore the country’s international reputation and put Malaysia back on track to becoming a developed nation.

The path may not be straightforward for Mahathir and his unproven coalition. Yet in the wake of the election, he has been relishing his newfound role as an agent of change — an unlikely fit for a man who ruled the country with an iron first for 22 years.
Mahathir Mohamad is all smiles on May 10 after claiming a stunning upset victory over Prime Minister Najib Razak in Malaysia’s election the previous day. (Photo by Takaki Kashiwabara)

“The enthusiasm was really fantastic,” he told supporters and reporters on May 10 after being sworn in. A crowd had gathered outside the state palace to try to catch a glimpse of their second-time prime minister, whose election was seen by many around the world as a repudiation of Southeast Asia’s recent drift toward authoritarian politics.

He even made a joking reference to his hard-line reputation by reminding people that his detractors had labelled him a “dictator.”

The nickname is no laughing matter, however. Tun M, as Mahathir is called by his supporters, oversaw a period of rapid economic growth and development in Malaysia during his first long stint in office. But Mahathir’s tenure was also marked by financial and political upheaval that led to the fall of many of his rivals. Some — notably Anwar Ibrahim, his protege and potential successor — were imprisoned on dubious grounds without trial simply for challenging him. Anwar was released from prison on May 16 following a royal pardon initiated by the winning coalition.
Supporters rally in support of Anwar Ibrahim in Kuala Lumpur last November. Anwar, who has been detained since February 2015, may be on the brink of a political comeback. © Getty Images

Mahathir came out of retirement two years ago to take on Najib, his handpicked successor, whom he accused of destroying the country. Najib, the son of the country’s second leader, was tainted by the financial scandal involving state fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad, or 1MDB.

While a triumphant Mahathir said immediately after his election that he wouldn’t seek “revenge,” his subsequent actions — barring Najib and his wife from leaving the country and announcing an investigation into the 1MDB scandal — indicated that action would be taken.

“There are a lot of complaints against [Najib], all of which have to be investigated,” Mahathir said. “If some of the complaints are valid, we will have to act quickly because we don’t want to be saddled with extradition from other countries.”

The resignation of Dzulkifli Ahmad as the head of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission was seen as boosting Mahathir’s ability to pursue an investigation into Najib.
Former Prime Minister Najib Razak, seen here on May 11, may be facing an investigation over the 1MDB scandal. © Getty Images

“Reshuffle? No reshuffle. It is going to be a new cabinet,” Mahathir corrected a reporter. “Yes, certain heads must fall. Some people were betting on a prime minister whom the world condemns.”

Ahead of the election, the conventional wisdom held that average Malaysians were unconcerned about the 1MDB scandal, in which Najib was alleged to have received more than $680 million amid a $4.5 billion misappropriation of funds. But the scandal — along with Najib’s anti-fake news law, introduced weeks before the election — rankled voters like Faiz Aziz, 25, who voted for the opposition. “The results ring with the majority, who clearly want a change of government,” he said.

During the campaign, Mahathir positioned his Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) coalition as the underdog — a hastily assembled and disparate group lacking financial clout and publicity. But thanks to the effective use of social media, the Alliance of Hope’s popularity swelled almost overnight, attracting millions of followers on various platforms.

In another shrewd move, Mahathir recruited some of the youngest candidates to ever contest a national election, banking on their fresh appeal and the rise of youth voters. Among them was Yeo Bee Yin, 34, an ethnic Chinese opposition lawmaker who won her first-ever federal election in Bakri, Johor.

“I was overwhelmed with my comfortable 60% winning margin,” she said.

After the upset: What Mahathir’s return means for Malaysia
CK TAN, Nikkei staff writer,
GWEN ROBINSON, Nikkei Asian Review chief editor
May 16, 2018 – Nikkei Asian Review


GE14 – A truly Malaysian Tsunami

Media Statement by Dr. Ong Kian Ming, Assistant National Director for Political Education for the DAP and Member of Parliament for P102 Bangi, on the 17th of May, 2018

GE14 – A truly Malaysian Tsunami

When I returned to Malaysia from the United States after the completion of my PhD in 2010, I made a presentation where I said that the opposition was not likely to win GE13 but would take power in GE14. I must admit that even on the eve of polling day on the 9th of May, 2018, I was not 100% confident that Pakatan Harapan would be able to win a majority of parliament seats in GE14. The delimitation exercise which was bulldozed through parliament in March, the expected three corner fights with PAS, the seeming inability for the opposition to break through in Sarawak and the expected fear mongering by the BN among the Malay voters were the main reasons for my doubts.

What Najib and the BN did not count on was the creation of a Malaysian Tsunami which, to their utter shock and horror, swept the BN out of office, not just at the federal level but also in all of the states with the exception of Perlis and Pahang.[1]

BN’s share of the popular vote in Malaysia (including Sabah and Sarawak) nosedived by 12.8%, from 46.7% in GE2013 to 33.9% in GE2018 (Table 1 above). To put this figure into context, BN’s vote share in GE2018 was far lower than the 46.2% of the popular vote it (contesting as the Alliance Coalition) managed to win in Peninsular Malaysia in the 1969 general elections, which was already considered a disastrous performance.

Table 1: Share of and Change in Share of Popular Vote in Malaysia (GE2013 vs GE2018)

Pakatan Harapan emerged as the largest coalition with 48.3% of the popular vote. Some analysts have used the fact that PH failed to win a majority of votes to say that PH does not command the support of a majority of supporters in Malaysia. These same analysts also try to lump together the total support for BN and PAS to say that more than 50% of the voters did not support PH in GE2018. This interpretation totally misses the mark. The results of GE2018 was all about the backlash against the BN. 65% of voters voted AGAINST the BN and threw their support behind parties that were NOT the BN. Almost two thirds of voters in the country voted AGAINST the BN because that is how badly they wanted BN out of power at the federal and state levels.

The anti-BN swing was felt in ALL of the states in Malaysia. The largest swing against the BN occurred in Kedah where support for the BN fell by 19.8% from 49.8% in GE2013 to 30% in GE2018. Double digit swings against the BN were also experienced in Selangor, Johor, Perlis, Melaka, Negeri Sembilan, Sabah, Wilayah Persekutuan (KL & Putrajaya), Perak and Terengganu. (Figure 2 below)

In fact, the only state where the BN won more than 50% of the popular vote was in Sarawak, with 52.7% of the popular vote. (Table 2 below)

Unlike in GE2013 where Malay support for the BN actually increased slightly compared to GE2008, there is no question that the Malay voters abandoned the BN in unprecedented numbers. Even many of the civil servants voted against the BN. Tengku Adnan, the former Minister for the Federal Territories, won his Putrajaya seat with only 49.5% of the popular vote in GE2018. This was a seat which he won comfortably in GE2013 with almost 70% of the popular vote.

There is strong evidence to suggest that even the police and army voters abandoned the BN in significant numbers. The four parliament seats with more than 10,000 early voters (mostly police and army voters) were all won by Pakatan Harapan (Table 3 below). Two of these seats – Setiawangsa and Tangga Batu – were won by the BN in 2013. The parliament seat of Lumut was gerrymandered to make it easier for UMNO to win back this seat. 10,000 police voters were moved into the Lembah Pantai parliament seat. Without a significant number of police and army voters NOT supporting the BN (either voting for PAS, PH, spoiling their votes or not casting their vote), PH would not have been able to win these parliament seats.

Table 3: Parliament seats with more than 10,000 early voters all of which were won by PH (GE2018)

In my own constituency of P102 Bangi, out of the 1305 postal votes which were cast (mostly army votes), 471 went to the PAS candidate (36.1%), 409 went to the myself, the PH candidate, (31.1%) and only 299 went to the BN candidate (22.9%). I was shocked when I saw these results. I won’t be surprised if the results in many of the other seats with a high number of postal and early voters also shows that a significant proportion of the army and police votes were cast NOT in support of the BN.

GE14 – A truly Malaysian Tsunami
May 17, 2018 –


A Stunning, Sudden Fall for Najib Razak, Malaysia’s ‘Man of Steal’ – NY Times

A Stunning, Sudden Fall for Najib Razak, Malaysia’s ‘Man of Steal’

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia — Just a few months ago, the political machine led by Najib Razak, the gilded prime minister of Malaysia, appeared so indestructible that a multibillion-dollar corruption scandal seemed unlikely to derail it. The end came so quickly, so completely, that even his opponents were shocked.

For nearly a decade, Mr. Najib, 64, had unfettered control of his nation’s courts and coffers. His party had thrived by unfailingly delivering huge cash handouts at election time. The media was at his disposal; journalists he didn’t like, he shut down. Political foes were shoved into prison.

The pampered son of a prime minister and nephew of another, Mr. Najib enjoyed the friendship of President Trump, who after playing golf with him in 2014 gave him a photo inscribed, “To my favorite prime minister.” Last year, Mr. Trump hosted Mr. Najib at the White House, even as the United States Department of Justice accused him of taking Malaysian state money.

But his authority suddenly evaporated in the early hours after Malaysia’s national elections on May 9 delivered a commanding majority to the opposition, now led by the political titan who had once lifted Mr. Najib to power: the 92-year-old Mahathir Mohamad.

The opposition was fractious, and remains so, but it was galvanized by a single purpose: to deliver the ouster of Mr. Najib to an electorate furious at his excesses and emboldened by social media even as news outlets were being muzzled.

Now, Mr. Najib is suddenly vulnerable to criminal charges at home, as well as a reinvigorated effort by the Justice Department as it pursues billions of dollars missing from 1Malaysia Development Berhad, the country’s state investment fund supervised by Mr. Najib for years.

The details released from that investigation in the past three years painted a lurid picture of a Malaysian leader and his family members and friends living high on diverted public money.

Prosecutors say that hundreds of millions of dollars from the fund appeared in Mr. Najib’s personal account and was spent on luxury items including a 22-carat pink diamond necklace, worth $27.3 million, for his wife. In all some $7.5 billion was stolen from the fund, prosecutors say, and spent on paintings by Monet, Van Gogh and Warhol and others worth more than $200 million; on luxury real estate in the United States; and even on a megayacht for a family friend, Jho Low, who reveled in his Hollywood connections.

Those accusations, and others, became grist for social media outrage in Malaysia, frequently on private WhatsApp groups, but it seemed Mr. Najib still underestimated how much he was losing: a public that still valued some semblance of moderation, his once unbreakable Malay power base, even family members.

Mr. Najib’s stepdaughter, Azrene Ahmad, took to Instagram on Friday with an emotional condemnation of him and her mother, Rosmah Mansor, who had become widely known here for piling up designer labels, garlands of jewelry and a multimillion-dollar handbag collection that more than rivaled the shoe fetish of Imelda Marcos, the former first lady of the Philippines.

A Stunning, Sudden Fall for Najib Razak, Malaysia’s ‘Man of Steal’
By Hannah Beech, Richard C. Paddock and Alexandra Stevenson
May 15, 2018 – NY Times

The dawn of A Better Malaysia!
Rafidah Aziz, Hannah Yeoh, Ambiga at TTDI ceramah


Mahathir in Putrajaya ceramah


What happened to 1MDB’s money? – CNBC Video
Nuclear lessons for Malaysia (Part 1) (Part 2)
BN govt is directing attention to distant past and distant future, in order to distract people from present misdeeds and poor governance
Felda - A picture is worth a thousand words
How the 1MDB Scandal Spread Across the World (WSJ)
We cannot afford ridiculously expensive RM55 Billion ECRL!
All that is necessary
for the triumph of evil
is for good men
to do nothing.

- Edmund Burke
When the people
fears their government,
there is TYRANNY;
when the government
fears the people,
there is LIBERTY.

- Thomas Jefferson
Do you hear the people sing?